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On Monday, a second former aide to New York Governor Andrew Cuomo accused him of sexual harassment, making for a total of three women to come forward so far. As an independent investigation begins, some are already calling for his resignation.

According to the aide, Charlotte Bennett, during the time that she worked as an executive assistant and health policy adviser in the Cuomo administration, he asked her intrusive questions about her sex life, whether she was monogamous in her relationships, and if she ever had sex with an older man. Bennett says this all took place late last spring and, according to The New York Times, is supported by texts. This comes days after another former aide, Lindsey Boylan, shared a detailed account of sexual harassment from Cuomo spanning several years. In October 2017, Boylan said that the governor suggested they play strip poker. Then, in 2018, she says that Cuomo kissed her on the lips. Anna Ruch, the third woman to accuse Cuomo, said that he made unwanted advances during a wedding reception in New York in 2019. 

On February 28, Cuomo issued an apologetic statement that seemed to confirm some of Bennett’s and Ruch’s accusations: “I now understand that my interactions may have been insensitive or too personal and that some of my comments, given my position, made others feel in ways I never intended.” He then acknowledged that these comments may “have been misinterpreted as an unwanted flirtation.” However, Cuomo and his office have denied the allegations levied by Boylan and called for an independent investigation which will be led by New York Attorney General Letitia James.

The situation is not unlike the circumstances that former Senator Al Franken faced before he resigned. On Tuesday, Franken started trending on Twitter as people discussed the similarities and differences between the two men. In the fall of 2017, eight women accused Franken of strikingly similar misconduct in which he inappropriately touched them during photos. Others recalled instances where he tried to forcibly kiss them. “I take thousands and thousands of pictures, sometimes in chaotic and crowded situations,” he said in an apology. “I can’t say I haven’t done that. I’m very sorry if these women experienced that.” After a stream of senators called on him to resign, he agreed.

Lines drawn between Cuomo and Franken’s allegations share another similarity: accountability from within their party. And since sexual misconduct is a bipartisan issue, it begs the question: Why are only Democrats holding members of their own party accountable?

This is not to say the Democratic party in totality is a shining example of accountability. And it certainly shouldn’t be about praising one party over another. In fact, as long as we are consistently encountering story after story of misconduct, no one should be patting themselves on the back. The issue here with the Republican party is the inconsistency and desire to protect their own.

More than 20 women have accused Former President Donald Trump of sexual assault, harassment, and misconduct. While case after case was mounted, his supporters in the Republican party did not demand an investigation, they didn’t call for him to resign, they didn’t even ask him to address it. They decided that Trump remaining in his position was more important to their end goals than calling out a pattern of inappropriate and criminal behavior.

And Trump is not the only one: In the past week alone, several women came forward accusing freshman Republican Rep. Madison Cawthorn of sexual harassment and misconduct, and this has not seemed to set back his career in politics in the slightest. 

It is easy to point to the other side and call out misconduct and harassment. When Franken was accused, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell was quick to issue a statement saying that Franken should face an ethics investigation or step down. McConnell notably did nothing about Trump’s 20+ accusations.

Sexually inappropriate and exploitative behavior should be universally condemned. When it is situationally castigated — political opponents being lambasted while closing ranks with tight lips when it is a member of your own party — it allows for boundaries and repercussions to be optional.

We preserve what we protect. If we preserve accountability, we protect the people who come forward. If we preserve a politician or a person in power in order to achieve our own ends, we protect abusers and the idea that inappropriate behavior won’t be followed by consequences. Cuomo should be held accountable, but let’s not forget that there are a lot more people who need to be held accountable as well. It can’t only be done when it’s easy.

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Connecticut just became the latest state to advance The CROWN Act, prohibiting natural hair discrimination in schools and workplaces. The Senate reached a unanimous decision on Monday, and the bill will now go to Governor Ned Lamont’s desk, where it is expected to be signed into law.

Gov. Lamont reacted to the news on Twitter, writing, “This measure is critical to helping build a more equitable society, and I look forward to signing it into law in the coming days.” Representative Tammy Exum was one of many who championed the bill, stressing in an interview with NBC Connecticut that Black women face more scrutiny based on their hair. “Unfortunately, when you have hair that isn’t straight and when you have skin that’s Black or brown, it isn’t simply hair. It’s judgment,” she said. “I look at the hair of those around me and just accept it as is. It doesn’t speak to their ability, their competency, their performance, or their knowledge.”

This measure is critical to helping build a more equitable society, and I look forward to signing it into law in the coming days. https://t.co/8IAY9KB4VW

— Governor Ned Lamont (@GovNedLamont) March 2, 2021

Connecticut will join Virginia, California, New York, New Jersey, Maryland, Colorado, and Washington as states officially prohibiting natural hair discrimination in schools and workplaces. The CROWN Act, which stands for Create a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair, seeks to foster safe environments for Black people who wear their hair naturally and in other protective styles like braids, Bantu knots, and locs. The bill is currently pending approval by the United States Senate after being passed by the House Of Representatives in September. 

Connecticut implementing the bill marks another pivotal stop on the road to ending natural hair discrimination and dismantling racial inequity in the United States — but it doesn’t end there. The CROWN Act still hasn’t been filed for consideration in a number of states, including Nevada, Nebraska, Idaho, and more. To help pass The CROWN Act in your state, you can sign the online petition or get in touch with your local representative to demand change.

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Hi, I'm Chichi — the newest associate writer on Refinery29's Shopping team. As a big gal, I have a keen interest in inclusive fashion and fat access to popular trends. Full disclosure: my relationship with fashion wasn't always a positive one; it's resembled a roller coaster full of high highs and low lows. Back when I was a kid, I reveled in the pages of teen magazines while happily experimenting with my personal style. In college, I passionately entrenched myself in a fashion minor. But, as I grew older, it became harder and harder to find trendy pieces that fit my larger body and feet.

During this time, Forever 21 Plus was one of the few retailers with inclusively-sized styles that I could rely on — everything else was just out of reach. I started to feel apathy for the labels whose limited-size collections I once found aspirational; why should I care about them when they don't care about people like me? A couple of years ago I decided to unfollow brands that don't offer inclusive-size options and seek out those that actually cater to my body. And, in doing so, I discovered a vibrant community of plus retailers and brands that make me feel seen and supported in the fashion space — and I've lined up each of those right here. From retro-inspired garb to sustainable fabrics and small local business excellence, I've got something for every fat person out there! So keep on scrolling to enter plus-fashion heaven.

I'll continue to update this list, so be sure to check back as often as you'd like — or, better yet, share your favorite plus places to shop in the comments below.

At Refinery29, we’re here to help you navigate this overwhelming world of stuff. All of our market picks are independently selected and curated by the editorial team. If you buy something we link to on our site, Refinery29 may earn commission.

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In one of her first moves as a new member of the Senate Finance Committee, Sen. Elizabeth Warren unveiled legislation this week that would introduce a tax on the net worth of the super-rich. As the coronavirus pandemic devastates the economy, disproportionately affecting lower-income households, the United States’ multi-millionaires and billionaires have actually seen their wealth increase exponentially. Warren now plans to combat that in a new proposal.

“This is a wealth tax that has been needed for a long time. We need it to produce more revenue, to create more opportunity in America,” Warren said in a statement. “But it is a wealth tax that we particularly need because of the changes in this country under the pandemic. We have watched the wealth of the billionaire class in America increase by more than a trillion dollars over the last year.” 

The proposal, called the Ultra-Millionaire Tax Act, would introduce a 2% annual tax on households and trusts over $50 million. Once exceeding $1 billion, an additional 1% annual surtax would be added. So just to really clarify: If you do not make or have a net worth of $50 million or more, you will not be affected by this tax. 

Warren and the group of lawmakers behind the wealth tax argue that it would go directly toward digging the U.S. out of the pandemic-induced economic crisis while also allocating funds toward infrastructural priorities like childcare and early education. If passed, it is estimated to generate $3 trillion in revenue over the next 10 years without raising taxes on 99.95% of American households. For reference, as a whole, that same percentage of U.S. residents does not have a collective net worth that would be enough to be subject to this tax, reports CBS.

But shortly after this legislation was announced, some hopped on Twitter to call it “political grandstanding,” or to remind people that the tax would keep happening every year, which amounts to a lot of money in the lifetime of a billionaire (which is kind of the point). Some argued that it would harm the businesses themselves and their employees. But one could argue that it does more harm to businesses and employees to keep a select few so wealthy that they couldn’t spend all their money in a lifetime if they tried.

The Ultra-Millionaire Tax Act was released by Warren alongside Reps. Pramila Jayapal and Brendan Boyle. It is co-sponsored by Democratic Sens. Bernie Sanders, Kirsten Gillibrand, Sheldon Whitehouse, Jeff Merkley, Brian Schatz, Ed Markey, and Mazie Hirono. With the 50-50 chamber split in the Senate, getting a majority — let alone a two-thirds majority — could prove exceptionally challenging. 

However, even though there seems to be a contentious divide among politicians, the idea of a wealth tax actually has widespread support among the American people. A Reuters/Ipsos poll released last year showed that nearly two-thirds of Americans agreed that the very rich should be contributing more in taxes. This includes a majority of Republican voters. 

Perhaps that is the two-thirds majority Congress should be paying attention to.

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The following is an excerpt from JUSTINE: A Novel by Forsyth Harmon.

The Walt Whitman Mall’s exterior walls were engraved with poetry. It looked like a huge tomb. I followed Justine through heavy glass doors, out of the wet heat. The concourse was dark and depressing and smelled like pretzels. In the Victoria’s Secret display, a girl in a floral-embroidered peach silk bra and panties stood at a window, fingers resting on the sill, looking out intently. The room glowed warm and blurry behind her, pink satin sheets shimmering. In the Ralph Lauren display, a girl carried a soccer ball across a deep-green sports field in orange heels, long blonde ponytail flagging after her. Two bare-chested boys flanked the Abercrombie entrance. They sprayed cologne at us.

The Bloomingdale’s beauty department was cool, bright, and gleaming, with shiny black-and-white-checkered floors and gorgeous grids of every color eye shadow: metallic blacks, oranges, and greens like butterfly wings; silvers and opals like something from outer space; flat chemical pastels like conversation hearts: call me, kiss me, love me. A woman worried over a small, round, lit-up mirror, blending a different shade of olive concealer into either cheek, checking one side of her face, then turning her head to compare it with the other.

Justine picked up a bottle of Polo Sport. “Did you know,” she asked, nodding at the model’s face on the perfume display, “Bridget Hall only has an eighth-grade education and a weakness for red meat?”

Bridget looked as though she’d just reached the mountaintop after a long hike, almost perspiring, shrugging off a sweatshirt to reveal a tight tank top underneath, the letters “USA” stretched across her chest. Justine dropped a set of keys to the floor, then bent down to pick them up and slipped a bottle of Clinique Happy into her bag. My chest got tight. I hadn’t expected that. I looked around at saleswomen behind the counters, cameras affixed to the ceiling. Justine shook her head and linked her arm with mine. I watched our feet cross the black-and-white-checkered tile, matching my step to hers. It made me feel like I was with her—like I almost was her—like I was free to enjoy the thrills of her exploits while being exempt from their consequences. We rode the escalator up arm in arm. I tried to slow my breath, my heart.

Justine browsed swimsuit racks with brisk efficiency, occasionally pausing to look at something more closely. When she found something she liked, she handed me the hanger. Soon I had a whole armful.

“Ten items,” she told the fitting room attendant, waving me into the little room after her. I sat on the stool in the corner and counted eleven hangers. She pulled her dress over her head and dropped it to the floor, naked except for underwear. She didn’t need a bra; that’s how flat her chest was. I sort of hunched a little, hiding my own. I held my breath as she sorted through the hangers on my lap, settling on a Calvin Klein string bikini. I watched her slip it on in the three-way mirror. I think she liked me watching her like that, maybe even needed me to do it. I stared at the gap between her thighs, my body buzzing. I crossed my legs, popped two pieces of Trident. She peeled a security tag from the bikini bottom and stuck it under my stool, her chest in my face. She held the bikini strings at the nape of her neck.

“Knot them?” she asked, turning toward the mirror again.

I stood, nose even with a trail of fine ashy hairs at her nape, and tied a bow, then patted it lightly, touching her neck. We smiled at each other in the mirror. She put her dress back on over the bikini and we walked out of the fitting room like nothing, giving friendly nods to the attendant, but everything was loud, bright, and weird, like some kind of incandescent version of the mall.

Patent leather shoes shone on a multitiered display like sweets on a tray. Justine grabbed a black Mary Jane and shook it in the salesgirl’s face.

“Nine,” she demanded.

Our feet were the same size. We sat and waited on a mauve velvet bench. I tucked the bikini strings into her dress. She took her shoes off. So did I. We put our feet side by side. Mine were wider, toenail polish still chipped pink from junior prom. Her toenails were painted black.

The salesgirl brought out a pebbled navy-blue box with “Prada” gold-embossed on the top. Just the box itself was beautiful. Justine removed a shiny black shoe from its white felt bag and slipped her foot inside, buckling the thin strap at her ankle. She raised her leg. We admired it.

Once the salesgirl had disappeared in back, Justine put my sneakers into the empty Prada box and pushed her old lug sole Mary Janes toward me. Her breath was hot in my ear as she whispered: “You wear my shoes.”

It felt intimate, sliding my feet inside. We leapt up, me in her shoes and her in the new ones, and left the department store arms linked. Passing back out those heavy glass doors into the humidity, I felt lit up and invincible, like when you catch that bouncing star in Super Mario. I felt nothing but my heartbeat.

We drove along Jericho Turnpike, past Jiffy Lube, Petland, Tattoo Lou’s. Some Hondas and pickup trucks pulled out of the Saint Francis parking lot, others into the Taco Bell drive-through, arms hanging from windows, cigarettes dangling from fingers.

I drove Justine home. Her street was lined with shabby split-levels, the shingle stain, shutter color, and lawn maintenance level varying but the layouts all the same. As we pulled up to her house, it started to rain. The potted plant on the stoop was dead. The metal number 7 on the front door was missing a nail and hung askew in a way that made me sad. Inside, the house was quiet and underlit. There was a woman sitting in the kitchen. I assumed she was Justine’s mother, but she didn’t look up from her newspaper as we came in.

Justine curled her fingers around the iron banister and started up the stairs. What beautiful calves she had, long and narrow. Her new black patent leather shoes clacked against each uncarpeted step. I felt like I was following her into a dark trap.

Justine’s walls, comforter, and furniture, the phone sitting on the hardwood floor by her bed: everything in her room was white. None of her personal belongings in sight, the room looked medical, sterile—I even smelled rubbing alcohol—with the exception of maybe a hundred magazine pages taped to the wall above the bed. There was a girl sitting in a shopping cart full of bowling balls for Guess, her long, dark, messy curls hanging to her waist. A hunched, eerie little blonde with heavy-lidded eyes posed in a shiny white trench for Jil Sander. Another one with a high forehead did a high kick in heels for Versace. In a Calvin Klein ad, Christy Turlington wriggled into a pair of jeans, a few strands of hair falling across her face.

“Christy Turlington weighs fifteen pounds less now than she did in high school,” Justine said.

And then there was that image of Kate Moss in the same string bikini Justine was wearing under her dress.

A notebook sat open on Justine’s nightstand. The handwriting was all caps, tiny and neat. It read: “Tuesday: 3 containers Dannon Light fat-free strawberry yogurt: 300; 8 oz. low-fat ground turkey: 300; 4 oz. Häagen-Dazs raspberry sorbet: 150.” And that was it: 750 calories. On the opposite page: a line chart, tracking her weight over several days. I didn’t want to look too long. I felt a little sick. I sat down on the bed and the sickness mutated into a kind of nervous arousal. Justine straddled the only other seat in the bare room, a small stationary bicycle in the corner. She tucked her long feet into the stirrups and rested her skinny forearms against the handlebars like a praying mantis.

JUSTINE is available for purchase, here.

Excerpted from JUSTINE: A Novel by Forsyth Harmon. Published with permission of Tin House. Copyright (c) 2021 by Forsyth Harmon.

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As new vaccines continue to roll out, the U.S. continues to see mass pushback from different sourcess — including anti-vaxxers and, apparently, the Catholic Church. This week, the Catholic Archdiocese of New Orleans called for a ban on the new Johnson & Johnson single-dose COVID-19 vaccine, over a muddied link to abortion. 

The Archdiocese of New Orleans issued a split decision on how religiously acceptable major COVID-19 vaccines are in the eyes of the Catholic Church. Upon investigating, the church decided that the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines are acceptable for members of its community, but has called the new Johnson & Johnson vaccine “morally compromised.” According to their findings, an “abortion-derived cell line” that was used to produce this particular vaccine became a dealbreaker.

“The Archdiocese of New Orleans, in light of guidance from the Vatican, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, and The National Catholic Bioethics Center affirm that though there was some lab testing that utilized the abortion-derived cell line, the two vaccines currently available from Pfizer and Moderna do not rely on cell lines from abortions in the manufacturing process and therefore can be morally acceptable for Catholics as the connection to abortion is extremely remote,” the official statement reads. “It is under the same guidance that the archdiocese must instruct Catholics that the latest vaccine from Janssen/Johnson & Johnson is morally compromised as it uses the abortion-derived cell line in development and production of the vaccine as well as the testing.”

But this decision — and the “evidence” used to sway the archdiocese — predates the COVID-19 vaccine. Rather, there is a historic debate in the Catholic community regarding the use of HEK293 cells, with origins that can supposedly be traced back to aborted fetuses from the 1970s. Despite the fact that many ethicists and scholars have emphasized that HEK293s and cells similar to them are simply clones and are not the original fetal tissue, the arguments within the church wage on. 

Since this was issued in New Orleans, it’s only binding for Catholics in that area of Louisiana. Catholic churches in other areas have the power to issue their own guidance on whether or not the latest FDA-fast tracked vaccine is acceptable. And some places are going to even more extremes: In Tyler, Texas, all three vaccines are considered “produced immorally” for similar abortion-related reasons.

It should be noted, though, that the Vatican itself has begun administering the Pfizer vaccine, with Pope Francis and predecessor Pope Benedict XVI among the first recipients of it. The Vatican has even warned that it will fire employees who choose not to be vaccinated. 

Despite this, religious groups may very well continue to find reasons to refuse COVID vaccines. And this is not the first time something like this has happened. The Catholic church has taken a stand against plenty of vaccines before, like the long opposition to the measles, hepatitis A, and chickenpox vaccines. But those who choose to defy the Archdiocese won’t necessarily be shunned.

A 2005 document from the Pontifical Academy for Life, which considered the moral issues surrounding abortion and vaccines, shows that The Vatican concluded it is morally permissible and morally responsible for Catholics to be vaccinated. It also notes that Catholics have an obligation to use ethically-sourced vaccines if possible and when there are not alternatives, to speak out against the development of vaccines that use anything even related to aborted fetus tissue. 

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